RISE (Research on Improving Systems of Education) is a new, multi-year program to build understanding of the design and implementation of successful education reforms through rigorous, primary research spanning multiple developing countries.
Despite great progress around the world in getting more kids into schools, too many leave without even the most basic skills. In this book, Lant Pritchett shows that the solution is to allow functional systems to evolve locally out of an environment pressured for success.
Cash on Delivery is a new approach to foreign aid that focuses on results, encourages innovation, and strengthens government accountability to citizens rather than donors. Under COD Aid, donors pay for measurable and verifiable progress on specific outcomes.
Much has been written about the difference in education outcomes between public and public-private partnership (PPP) schools. According to a review by Ark, so far there is insufficient or modest evidence linking PPPs—including contract schools, subsidies, and vouchers—with better learning outcomes (as distinct from evidence about public versus private [non-PPP] schools).
Justin Sandefur/Divyansh Wadhurt
“There are better ways to improve test scores,” “food is expensive,” “most kids would eat anyway,” and other counterarguments contain some truth, but fail to overturn the basic economic logic of free, universal school feeding in poor countries.
“I feel we are stealing their future twice,” says Helle Thorning-Schmidt, president of Save the Children International. “First they have to flee from their homes and everything they know, then we steal their future by not providing an education to these children.”
C. Cornelius, MA Ed
CHAPTER II. LITERATURE REVIEW The United States Educational System: An Historical Perspective
The word education is derived from the Latin root word educere which means to bring forth, draw up, and lead out or to rear. According to the Encyclopedia Britannica it is defined as discipline that is concerned with methods of teaching and learning in schools or school-like environments as opposed to various non-formal and informal means of socialization.
Afrocentrist, Dr. Mwalimu Shujaa’s work, Too Much Schooling Too Little Education, defines education as “The process of transmittin
g from one generation to the next knowledge of the values, aesthetics, spiritual beliefs, and all things that give a particular cultural orientation its
The Central objective in decolonizing the African mind is to overthrow the authority which alien traditions exercise over the African. This demands the dismantling of white supremacist beliefs, and the structures which uphold them, in every area of African life. It must be stressed, however, that decolonization does not mean ignorance of foreign traditions; it simply means denial of their authority and withdrawal of allegiances from them—Chinweizu Ibekwe
Chinweizu has given us a powerful intellectual jolt to begin our discussion. Where do we exactly start? Well, let’s begin with two aspects of formal education. Indeed, the social and political technology of reading and writing probably constitute the two most powerful spiritual keys to the inner workings of nature and of the human mind. This is why we cannot overemphasize their importance in human development. Meanwhile, both have equally played essential roles in every facet of the evolution of human civilization. This is unequivocally evident all around us. Also, one way or the other, our Gods, gods, goddesses, and ancestors have communicated to us through these creative cultural technologies.
Afrocentricity is developing rapidly within the social work profession as a theory for practice with African Americans. Afrocentric practitioners claim the theory provides a basis for understanding African Americans from an African perspective
and cultural value system, and it is the most effective approach to address racial oppression. However, social work has not critically analyzed the merits of Afrocentricity as a source of knowledge to inform the profession.
This article takes the initial step to determine whether Afrocentricity is in-fact a theory. Afrocentricity is described, discussed, and analyzed based on current and accepted definitions of theory. The analysis reveals Afrocentric epistemology lacks the rigor to be accepted as an empirically-based theory for practice. The author concludes that Afrocentricity is more accurately categorized as an ideology. Research and practice implications of this conclusion and the need for further critique are discussed.
Nothing the European mind ever devised was meant to do anything but to facilitate the European's control over the world. Anything that you get from Europe that you are going to use for yourself, remake it to suit yourself.
Dr. John Henrik Clarke
To hold a people in oppression you have to convince them first that they are supposed to be oppressed. When the European comes to a country, the first thing he does is to laugh at your God and your God concept. And the next thing is to make you laugh at your own God concept. Then he don't have to build no jails for you then, cause he's got you in a jail more binding than iron can ever put you. Anytime you turn on your own concept of God, you are no longer a free man. No one needs to put chains on your body, because the chains are on your mind. Anytime someone say's your God is ugly and you release your God and join their God, there is no hope for your freedom until you once more believe in your own concept of the "deity." And that's how we're trapped. We have been educated into believing someone else's concept of the deity, and someone else's standard of beauty. You have the right to practice any religion and politics in a way that best suits your freedom, your dignity, and your understanding. And once you do that, you don't apologize.
"It is by education that we become prepared for our duties and responsibilities in life. If one is badly educated he must naturally fail in the proper assumption and practice of his duties and responsibilities because the Negro has been badly educated."
Marcus Garvey was born on August 17th, 1887 in Jamaica. His parents were Marcus Garvey Sr. and Sarah Jane Richards. He was the youngest of 11 children. When Garvey was 14, he became a printer's apprentice. In 1907, he took part in a printer's strike, and this is where his love for political activism started. In 1910, inspired by his newfound hobby of political activism, Garvey travelled throughout Central America and worked as a newspaper editor. He wrote about subjects that included things such as slaves and living conditions on plantations.
In 1912, Garvey founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Through this association, Garvey wanted to unite African Americans and get them establish a country and government of their own. To further his beliefs, Garvey published a newspaper called Negro World in 1918. One year later, Garvey created the Black Star Line shipping company and the Negros Factories Association, both designed to advance the African American population without the help of white people.
In 1922, Garvey and several UNIA officials were thought to be involved with a mail fraud that had to do with the Black Star Line. Because of the situation, Garvey was sent to prison for five years. After being released from prison, he was deported back to Jamaica.
"...I plead for industrial education and development for the Negro not because I want to cramp him, but because I want to free him."
Booker T. Washington Washington
Drew on his experience at Hampton Institute for the curriculum at Tuskegee. He saw that most white Southerners objected to black education because they believed that educated blacks would not work as manual laborers. So his system of hard work, discipline, and self-help was a way to educate blacks without antagonizing whites. Tuskegee Institute's educational program went further than Hampton Institute's in its promotion of African American social, political, and economic participation in mainstream society.
Although Washington originally argued that blacks should stay out of politics, he later rejected black disfranchisement.